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This paper aims to find the commonness in tangible-intangible cultural heritage among the three flags (South Korea, North Korea, Unification) as a means for uniting Korea. Accordingly, theories of emotions, colours and shapes, including semiotic interpretations are its methodology. Semiotics offers flexibility in finding the commonness between the three flags in different situations and describes the process of encoding and decoding as an interpretative framework. Decoding interprets and evaluates the meaning concerning the relevant signs, which are systems of related conventions for correlating signifier and signified in specific domains. (i) The South Korean flag has three parts composed of a white rectangle, a red-blue circle, Taeguk, and four black trigrams. White is a traditional colour of representing peace and purity; the red-blue circle in the middle is the Yin-Yang philosophy of the universe. The red half is positive forces and the blue half negative ones. In 1882, King Kojong of the Joseon dynasty (1392–1910) instructed a circle which combines the red/king, blue/officer and white/people. (ii) The North Korean flag consists of a red panel, bordered by a white stripe and a blue stripe. The red panel contains a red star, a symbol of communism and socialism within a white circle. The red expresses revolutionary traditions; the blue for sovereignty, peace and friendship; the white for purity. (iii) The Unification flag represents a united Korea as one team in sports events. On the white background, a blue silhouette of the Korean peninsula appears in the centre.
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Conventionally, flags are explained as symbols of group solidarity that achieve force through ritual processes. Alternatively, flags may be seen as symbols with positive or negative associations derived from our experiences with physical space. While this article accepts these interpretations, it also argues that they need to be augmented. Flag meaning is not entirely a social or linguistic construction because there is a link between flag displays and our inherent predispositions to cues about social rank. Our evolved social intelligence makes us sensitive to the topographic features of flag displays that signal relationships of dominance and subordination.
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Flags have been around for centuries; however, vexillology, the study of flags, was not officially coined until the 1960s. Despite this, there is still a need for more scientific and empirical research. Using qualitative arts-based research (ABR) methodology, this study investigates the creative journey of students in an undergraduate geography course as they design a flag for a place of their choosing. Students were asked to interpret the concept of ‘place’ through their flag designs while also incorporating flag design principles. The results showed that participants selected places tied to themes such as hometown, family, love, memories, and culture often reflecting on their personal histories and narratives. Their flag designs incorporated symbols representing aspects of the selected location such as nature, culture, economy, history, and national elements. Overall, the participants viewed the concept of ‘place’ as an emotional construct that is shaped by important memories and life changing moments. Through their designs, the participants explored the concept of place as more than just a physical location. ‘Place’ was a space filled with emotions and personal
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It is believed that when exposed to the national anthem of their native country, people react with feelings of pride and patriotism and that the anthem has the power to unite people around similar associations. We examined these beliefs empirically. In Experiment 1, Israelis of various ages and subcultures listened to their anthem and to three other songs, and wrote down associations that came to mind. It was found that the anthem evoked more national associations than any other song and that this was a shared tendency despite the subcultural divergences. In Experiment 2, a marginal group in Israeli society participated in a similar task and appeared to regard the anthem more negatively than mainstream Israelis. In Experiment 3, associations relating to the anthem were compared to those relating to other national symbols (the flag and an emblem). The flag, but not the emblem, evoked similar association patterns. Results are discussed in light of social identity theory.
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Examination of the role that the flag plays in identity formation for Turkish Cypriots living in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).
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I have questions about flags. Looking for answers, I went not to vexillological papers, but to scientific publications in other scientific fields. What follows is a taste of what I found.
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The American Thin Blue Line flag is a black-and-white version of the United States flag with the white stripe immediately below the canton replaced with a blue one, expressing support for police. It first appeared in December 2014 near the beginning of the most recent phase of political and often violent turmoil in the U.S. over relations between the police and communities of color. Since its introduction by a young entrepreneur in Michigan, the flag rapidly grew in prominence, particularly following the killing of police officers at a Black Lives Matter protest in Dallas, Texas, in 2016. In terms of widespread adoption and emotional response (positive and negative), the flag is a remarkable entrepreneurial success story. This paper explores some of the reasons underlying its success. These correspond to different ways of understanding a flag: as a commercial product, as a graphic design, as a component of mourning rituals, as viral internet content, and as a carrier of contested meaning that benefits from institutional and rhetorical support. The case of the American Thin Blue Line flag raises important theoretical and practical questions for vexillology: What constitutes success, and what makes a flag successful?
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