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新中国成立后，我国没有专职从事国旗教育的 部门和机构。常态化的兼职国旗宣讲工作，起 源于天安门国旗班，天安门广场是我国最早的 国旗宣教基地。2001年9月，北京新风旗帜文化 传播中心创办，开创我国专业的国旗教育和升 旗培训事业。 自1983年天安门国旗班开始宣讲国旗，到1991 年天安门国旗护卫队成立，在改革开放的大时 代里，中国国旗教育和升旗培训事业，在四十 多年中，从无到有，从战士兼职到专业化、机 构化；从国家和部委的法规制度条文，落实到 基层学校的教育实践；从党政军群主办组织展 览，到团中央主办学校升旗手交流展示；从开 创发展、规范普及到国际化、学术化，经历了 几个历史时期。 由于篇幅所限，本文按国旗教育项目和活动时 间先后顺序，选用笔者亲历亲为、具有引领 性、代表性的案例，兼顾地域性，供国旗教育 工作者在日常教学和研究中借鉴参考。 After the founding of People’s Republic of China, there was no dedicated department or institution responsible for flag education. Routine flag lectures began with the Tiananmen Flag Guard, with Tianan men Square being the earliest national flag education base. In September, 2001, the Beijing Xinfeng Flag Culture Communication Center was established, pioneering professional national flag education and flag-raising training. From the Tiananmen Flag Guard class lectures in 1983 to the establishment of the Tiananmen Flag Guard in 1991, national flag education and flag-raising training in China have developed over more than 40 years, evolving from part-time soldier duties to professional and institutional practices. This evolution included implementing national and ministerial regulations in grassroots schools, organizing exhibitions by various governmental and non-governmental entities, and promoting school flag-raising exchanges and exhibitions. The development process went through several historical stages, from inception and development to standardization, popularization, inter- nationalization, and academicization. Due to space limitations, this article only presents the chronological development of flag education projects and activities through the author’s personal experiences of leading them and through representative cases, considering regional diversity for reference in routine teaching and research by workers in flag education.

在过去的25年里，美国州旗的变化步伐加快 了。与此同时，旗帜专家参与这一变化的人数 有所增。我们已经分享了我们作为倡导者、创 造者、专家、评审者和过程顾问的旗帜设计专 业知识。包括乔治亚州、密西西比州、犹他州 和明尼苏达州在内的几个州已经改变了他们的 旗帜，他们采纳了NAVA（北美旗帜协会）及其 成员的指导。还有几项努力正在进行中，包括 马萨诸塞州、伊利诺伊州、缅因州、密歇根州 和新罕布什尔州。由于在美国没有中央部门管 理国旗的设计和使用，NAVA的作用是通过其出 版物、调查和成员的努力而变得更加重要。旗 帜界成员的这种参与标志着一种重大变化，我 们在大多数州旗变更时，为它在新旗帜设计提 供了更优的设计标准。 本文也发表在 2025 年 3 月的 Vexillum 第 29 期 中。 In the past 25 years, the pace of change among U.S. state flags has accelerated. Concurrently, the participation of vexillologists in that change has increased. We have shared our flag-design expertise as instigators, advocates, creators, refiners, experts, judges, and process consultants. Several states, including Georgia, Mississippi, Utah, and Minnesota, have changed their flags, reflecting and incorporating guidance from NAVA and its members. Several more efforts are under way, including Massachusetts, Illinois, Maine, Michigan, and New Hampshire. Because no central authority governs flag design and adoption in the U.S., the role of NAVA—through its publications, surveys, and members’ efforts—has become more important. This involvement by members of the vexillological community marks a significant change from the past—when we were on the outside of most state flag change—and it has delivered a higher stand- ard of flag design in new flags. [This article also appeared in Vexillum 29, March 2025.]

在2015年至2022年期间，超过300个美国城市和 城镇采用了新的或重新设计的旗帜来代表他们 的社区。2022年底，NAVA进行了一项在线调 查，要求受访者根据0至10的评分标准对这些旗 帜的设计进行评分。共有2,852名受访者（308名 NAVA成员和2,544名公众参与者）自我报告来 自90个国家（71%来自美国）；他们的年龄分布 广泛。之后，NAVA在全国范围内，特别是那些 旗帜被纳入调查的城市，发布新闻稿，获得了 广泛的媒体报道。将平均评分转换为字母等级 后，超过30%的旗帜获得了A或B，但超过60%的 旗帜获得了D或F。结果分析不仅显示了设计质 量的范围，还提供了关于设计感知如何因受访 者年龄、地点和NAVA成员身份而异的洞察。 该论文也发表在2024年 Raven 31上。 Over 300 American cities and towns are known to have adopted new or redesigned flags to represent their communities between 2015 and 2022. In late 2022, NAVA conducted an online survey asking respondents to rate those flags’ designs on a 0–10 scale. The 2,852 respondents (308 NAVA members and 2,544 public participants) self-reported from 90 countries (71% from the U.S.); their ages distributed widely. Afterwards, NAVA blanketed the country—especially the cities with flags in the survey—with press releases yielding wide media coverage. With average ratings converted to a letter grade, over 30% of the flags got an A or a B, but over 60% of the flags got a D or an F. Analysis of the results not only showed a range of design quality, but also provided insights into how perception of the designs varied across respondent ages, locations, and NAVA membership. [This article was also published in Raven 31, 2024.]

本文介绍了自1965年以来，每隔两年在全球各 地举办的30届旗帜学大会（ICV）。分析了历届 ICV所发表论文的主题分类和特性，并把这些论 文分为15类旗帜学研究。这些类别是通过累积 已发表的论文本身所涵盖的主题来定义的，提 供了该学科研究的多功能性的衡量标准。ICV论 文是旗帜学研究的最高峰，构成了受人尊敬的 全球旗帜学知识体系，成为今天和未来旗帜学 家的学术数据宝库和进一步研究的基础。 This paper explores the 30 International Congresses of Vexillology (ICVs) held in various locations around the globe under FIAV sponsorship every other year since 1965 and analyzes the proceedings produced after these congresses. The papers presented at ICVs and published in their proceedings probably represent the highest peak of published vexillological research and constitute a respectable body of global vexillological knowledge and a trove of scholarly data for vexillologists of today and tomorrow upon which to base further research. The paper analyzes the ICVs by number of participants, participating countries, and represented continents, providing an indication of the state of development of vexillology as a discipline world-wide. The published papers are analyzed by total volume (number of pages), number of papers, and languages used. The authors of papers are also considered by number of papers, pages, and participation in the ICVs. The papers published are sorted into 15 categories of vexillological research—the categories were defined by cumulating the topics covered by the published papers themselves, providing a measure of the versatility of research in the discipline.

国旗是一个国家的象征，也是一个民族的精神 图腾。开展国旗教育交流对话，对于增进国际 理解、促进文明交流互鉴具有不可估量的价 值。 那么，在互联网时代，如何充分利用现代虚拟 技术拓宽国旗教育 的渠道和提高教育实效性 呢？ The national flag is the symbol of a country and the spiritual totem of a nation. Carrying out national flag education exchanges and dialogues is of immeasurable value in enhancing international understanding and promoting exchanges and mutual learning among civilizations. So, in the internet era, how can we fully utilize modern virtual technology to expand the channels of national flag education and improve its effectiveness?

中国少年先锋队红领巾教育是中华人民共 和国国旗教育的组成部分。 “中国少年先锋队”(简称少先队)，是6—14岁 中国少年儿童组成的群众组织，全国共有少先 队员11480.7万名，是世界上最大的少年儿童组 织。 少先队组织文化同样是透过系列的象征元 素，使少先队员认同少先队的价值取向，并深 植在思维之中。 Red Scarf education of the Chinese Young Pioneers is an integral part of flag education in the People’s Republic of China. The Young Pioneers of China (referred to as the Young Pioneers) is a mass organization composed of children aged 6 to 14 in China. There are 115 million Young Pioneers nationwide, making it the largest youth organization in the world. Cultural aspects within the Young Pioneers organization aim to instill values and beliefs through a series of symbolic elements that resonate with its members.

中国法学会副会长致开幕词 Opening Remarks from the Vice President of the China Law Society

国际旗帜学协会联合会主席致开 Opening Remarks from the President of FIAV

第30届北京世界旗帜学大会会歌词 《旗帜永昌》 赵新风–2024年7月1日 Lyrics to the Theme Song of the 30th International Congress of Vexillology in Beijing Banners Forever Flourish ZHAO Xinfeng — July 1, 2024 赤帜颂（二首） 祖书勤 –2024年7月18日 Ode to the Red Flag (Two Poems) ZU Shuqin—July 18, 2024 祝北京世界旗帜学大会开幕 陈昊苏–2024年7月31日 In Celebration of the Opening of the International Congress of Vexillology in Beijing CHEN Haosu—July 31, 2024

1989年建校的广州市黄埔区怡园小学，办学历 史与许多百年老校相比是年轻的，但在改革开 放前沿诞生和成长的怡园小学，却是全国小学 国旗教育的排头兵和示范校。 Founded in 1989, Yiyuan Primary School, located in Huangpu District, Guangzhou City, is relatively new compared to many century-old institutions. However, situated at the forefront of reform and opening up, Yiyuan Primary School has emerged as a pioneering institution and a model for national flag education in elementary schools across China.

海南自由贸易港建设，给国旗教育带来新的机 遇。旗帜是世界共通的语言，是世界文明交流 互鉴的载体。我们愿意与北京新风旗帜中心一 道，和世界各国旗帜学家密切联系，为推动中 国青少年学习旗帜文化，促进世界各国青少年 旗帜文化交流交往，做出新的积极贡献。 The construction of the Hainan Free Trade Port presents new opportunities to national flag education. As flags are a universal language and a carrier of global cultural exchange, we are eager to work closely with the Vexillological Research Center of China and flag scholars from around the world, contributing positively to the promotion of flag culture among Chinese youth and the exchange of flag culture among youth worldwide.

大会学术论文集: 第30届国际旗帜完学, 中国北京 2024年8月 Proceedings of the 30th International Congress of Vexillology. Beijing, China. August 2024

This chapter first examines the history and role of the Bulgarian flag in the constitution of Bulgarian national identity, a process which began in the second half of the nineteenth century. It then proposes a semiotic model of the identity, one that centers its constructed character and flexibility while performing social interactions. A basic divide between the communicative resources of the self places a person’s individual characteristics in opposition to collective ones. The national flag and colors are interpreted among the expressive forms of the collective identity, in the subcategory of constitutive features for which an individual has no choice. An interpretation of the value flows for identity in social intercourse follows, modeled as an “ego economy” where the reception and production of recognition from and for others is seen as an “ego currency”. This model demonstrates that the particular efficacy of national symbols is amplified by the efficacy of the “nationalist libido”. The use of the nationalist flags, colors, symbols, and narrative in new media thus prepare a fertile ground for the emerging digital populism, one that is masterfully employed by right-wing figures with significant political results and disquieting prospects for the future.

This paper is a semiotics analysis of national symbols, especially national flags, seeking to insert its emergence in the context of the formation of the modern National States. The methodological approach is critical and interdisciplinary, capitalising on the contributions of Semiotics, History, Sociology and Philosophy. The flag of Brazil is analysed in a detailed manner, as a complex symbol, formed of shapes, colours, natural elements and words. From the historical point of view, the flag of Brazil is a symbol, which safeguards the past of the Brazilian Empire inside the symbol of the Republic of Brazil. From the semiotic point of view, one can see in the plan of expression a set of symbols, which allows us to realise the level of significance, there lying the dialectical conflicts of the history of Brazil. From the point of view of the current political scene, it seeks to analyse the new and main role played by the national flag, in its re-emergence among many demonstrations, and the rebirth of nationalism, within the context of economical, moral and political crises. This allows us to assess the meaning of Brazilian modernity and its future challenges.

This chapter explores philosophical and semiotic considerations pertaining to the relation between word and color and some of its social effects in four steps. 1. Flag. A first step concerns the flag as a social symbol made by fixed varieties of colors. Its colors refer to social patterns, in Occidental culture formatted along the classical theory of social contract and its individualistic, mechanistic and rationalistic features. Displacement and togetherness seem deeply engraved in the mind of the flagging individual(s), a mind often at far distance from any specific flag-event. 2. Colors. The second step is on colors and the slogan ‘colors like words’. The central question regards the words, which should serve as a parallel to colors. If a color depends on a linguistic expression, then the basis of that expression is important for color and color-experience. 3. Speech. The third paragraph emphasizes the study of the word by means of considering ‘speech’. Basic is the difference between langue and parole. ‘Word’ understood as langue functions in the slogan ‘colors like words’ whereas ‘word’ understood as parole is neglected. ‘Speech’ as the context for ‘word’ is therefore researched as a source of word–color semantics. 4. Digit. ‘From langue to parole’ is not a single static path amidst differing contexts. Recent mutations concern digital language as a future global context: (a) names play a new and different role in digital language structures, as the Internet and its multiple use of names and passwords daily demonstrates; (b) codes, in particular color codes, function like words and texts, as the website ‘electronic color code’ suggests; (c) communication unfolds beyond the limits of human will and attention; (d) the concept of O/other, the most vital component of human life and communication, does not remain unchanged in a life based on digits.

Flag use by far-right demonstrators at the 2017 Unite the Right rally is similar to historical flag use in public demonstration by antidemocratic groups seeking to deprive others of equal democratic rights, such as the Nazi Party between 1920 and 1945 and American segregationists during the Civil Rights Movement in the mid-twentieth century. This sort of flag use brings democratic values such as free speech and equal protections into conflict. Since World War II, international democratic norms have shifted to emphasize human dignity and equality, even if it requires limitations on free speech. Germany’s constitutional order is designed to protect democracy from antidemocratic groups in part by criminalizing display of flags representing them. Meanwhile, free speech absolutism in the United States makes it exceedingly difficult to impose legal sanctions for flag use, allowing flags that are in fact hate speech to masquerade as protected political speech.

The chapter provides semiotic analysis of national flags in Russia in historical perspective and describes legal regulation of the use of flags as state symbols on federal and federal entities’ levels. Contemporary white-blue-red national flag, Soviet red flag and imperial black-yellow-white flag are analyzed in different contexts, as official state symbols and as unofficial symbols of different political movements; the evolution of their meaning with time is shown. Subjects of the Russian Federation also have their flags, which reflect their aspiration for self-identification and sovereignty within the limits of common political identity of the nation. The right to establish their own official symbols is a part of their constitutional status, and they realize this right for the construction of their regional identity within the semiotic space of Russia as a whole.There is no unity in approaches to the fixation of the legal status and description of flags on the level of federal entities, though main legal rules concerning the use of flags and subordination between the national flag and the flags of federal entities are stipulated by the federal law. Most of regional flags have been created since 1991, because these regions had no status of federal subjects before that. By their visual representation the flags differ depending on the cultural and historic characteristics of the regions. Some of them resemble the regional coat of arms, some of them try to follow the federal model by using bars of different color, some include religious symbols.Legal regulation of the use of flags includes constitutional standards, statutory standards and also provisions of criminal and administrative law on desecration of flags and on inappropriate use of the national flag, which may humiliate or publicly demonstrate disrespect for it. The judicial practice in application of these standards is, however, confusing, because the provisions lack legal certainty.

After an outline of the history, design and uses of the Australian flag, this paper considers the media frenzy and public outcry surrounding the publication of research findings identifying a relationship between the flying of Australian flags on cars for Australia Day and racist attitudes. While the findings did not surprise many social scientists, given the semiotics of the flag and its increasing use as a symbol of exclusion, they were apparently highly contentious for portions of the Australian public. This paper describes and analyses the public reaction using three case studies from among the hundreds of examples. An email, a blog discussion, and a newspaper article, are analysed to demonstrate overlapping themes focussed on racism, patriotism, and nationalism. The chapter concludes that the publicity flagging the relationship between flag use and exclusionary nationalism actually may have worked against the goal of producing a considered debate about appropriate forms of nationalism and flag use, delivering the flag into the hands of exclusionary nationalist.

Both the flags of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China’s (ROC) have the colour red; however, red represents different meanings on both flags. The colour red on the ROC flag represents “fraternité” originated from the French Revolution. The colour red on the PRC flag is from the flag of The Soviet Union, which the colour red is originally the colour of the flag of La Commune de Paris. There have been many incidents involving the desecration, burning or damaging of the national flag of the Republic of China (ROC, 中華民國) over the years. In Taiwan, some people think that the ROC has ceased to exist since 1949, and that the ROC can no longer represent Taiwan and the KMT (the Nationalist Party, Kuomintang) is controlled by the PRC. They use flag desecration as a means to attack one China policy and the PRC. In this paper, I will explore the reason why the ROC national flag has been targeted in Taiwan, and question whether or not damaging the flag is really a meaningful and successful way to attack both the ROC and the PRC. Furthermore, I will explain how protesters attack the PRC by attacking the ROC flag by way of a discussion of the colour code of both national flags. In addition, I will discuss the meaning of the red on both flags, and I will also explain why an attack on the ROC flag, based on the colour of the ROC and PRC flags, is not a successful way to attack the PRC.

This chapter looks at the role of flags as national symbols in Hungary. It does so through three case studies. The first flag discussed is the current national colours (red, white and green). It is followed by the so-called ‘Árpád stripes’ (red and white), the colours attributed to the first royal dynasty of Hungary. Finally, the flag of Budapest, the capital city of Hungary, is examined from a historical perspective, with special focus on its relationship with the national colours.