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1977 年 12 月 6 日,博普塔茨瓦纳成为南非十个 所谓的“家园”(或班图斯坦)中第二个接受 “独立”的地区。根据当时南非的种族隔离政 策,家园是专门为特定种族的人设立的地区。 博普塔茨瓦纳是南非茨瓦纳语族的专属领土。 尽管没有得到国际认可,博普塔茨瓦纳实际上 是一个拥有自己旗帜、国徽、国歌以及其他主 权象征的政治实体。本文聚焦于1977年至1994 年间,博普塔茨瓦纳政府在其名义上的独立国 家存在期间使用的旗帜和其他主权象征。 在南非首次全民普选后,种族隔离政策正式结 束,博普塔茨瓦纳作为一个独立的政治实体停 止存在,并在1994年4月27日重新并入南非。 On 6 December 1977 Bophuthatswana became the second of South Africa’s ten so-called Homelands (or Bantustans) to accept independence’. In terms of South Africa’s policy of apartheid then in force, the Homelands were areas set aside for people of a specific ethnicity. Bophuthatswana was the territory reserved for the Tswana-speaking people of South Africa. Despite not being internationally recognised, Bophuthatswana was a de facto political entity with its own flag, coat of arms, anthem, and other symbolic trappings of sovereignty. This paper focuses on the flags and other symbols of sovereignty used by the Government of Bophuthatswana during its existence as a nominally independent state between 1977 and 1994. Following South Africa’s first universal adult suffrage elections which formally ended apartheid, Bophuthatswana ceased to exist as a separate political entity and was re-incorporated into South Africa on 27 April 1994.
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The object of this thesis is to demonstrate that non-verbal symbols, and in particular national flags, have an essential part in the establishment and management of national identity. It is contended that political legitimacy is derived in part from the national self-presentation and that this presentation can be managed by exploiting the full rangeof the national panoply, i.e., the full range of non-verbal symbols available. In terms of penetration and reciprocation as they form a discourse between the elite and the population flags and related items form a body of material that is easy to handle and to comprehend. But they are also capable of being charged with affective overtones which require care and skill in handling. Key concepts with regard to symbols as hitherto dealt with in social science will be derived from a number of authors who have dealt with the nature of identity and identity crises as part of the modernisation process applicable to nation states. These include Edelman and Pye and the contributors to the 'Crises and Sequences' school of political science. In addition the work of Mosse, Firth, Weitman, Zelinsky, Hobsbawm and Ranger, and other authors who have come closest to the subject under review, will also be examined for contributions in the form of concepts and analytical tools. Also to be examined is the work of modern professional image-makers operating in the commercial world to see what techniques and methods they can deploy successfully. The next stage will be to examine three major identity crises, as exemplified by the American, French and Russian Revolutions to see what efforts, if any, were made by the elite to control and shape their self-presentation and what reciprocation they evinced from their populations.
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Over the centuries flags have, and are, being used to show unity. This can take the form of unity between peoples, countries, alliances, and organisations. The purpose of this paper is to give a general review of the design development of these “flags of unity”. From their origins in heraldic royal banners, then national flags, born of unification, and on to flags of alliances, liberation, and more recently international co-operation, flags with unity as their central design theme are as varied as the peoples, countries, and groups they represent.
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KwaNdebele was a self-governing Homeland in apartheid South Africa which indicated in 1982 that it would follow some of the Homelands and move towards “full independence”. However, internal strife and unrest within the Homeland delayed the scheduled move towards independence. The wider political developments in South Africa after 1990 and the negotiations which led to the end of apartheid and the adoption of a new Interim Constitution in South Africa halted these developments and KwaNdebele ceased to exist in April 1994. This paper describes and illustrates the flags that were designed for use by the government and officials of the proposed “Republic of KwaNdebele” as it prepared for independence from South Africa in the late 1980s.
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The creative process and principles informing the design of some special purpose and other flags lead to conclusions for flag design in general. The dynamics of metaphor and shapeshifting are considered. The scope for greater pageantry and innovation in flag design is explored. Current national flags of complex or awkward design present a challenge. Possible remedies are suggested. To paraphrase a famous utterance, the known delivers the unknown, and as at least one national flag of recent vintage demonstrates, the unknown can lead to an unforeseen, but serendipitous result. Among the many instances of how not to design a flag, how to is more worthwhile. Vexillologists have higher standards.
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