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虽然近代中国的国旗历史可以追溯到清朝末 年,但其国旗法首次通过是在1990年。此后, 中国国旗法经过两次修订,最近一次是在2020 年,其规定比其他制定国旗法的国家更为有 力。该法共24条,涵盖了五星红旗的意义、五 星红旗的大小、悬挂方式、防止五星红旗被不 尊重和被商业使用以及升旗的规则,明确了法 律的监督机构,并阐明了其在宣传和教育中的 作用。与其他一些国家不同,该法具有普遍 性、约束力,并带有强制执行条款。 While China’s national flag history goes back to the late Qing Dynasty, its national flag law was first adopted in 1990. Amended twice since, most recently in 2020, its provisions are more forceful than those in many other countries with flag laws. Its 24 articles cover the significance of the five-star red flag, its sizes, its display, its protection from disrespect and commercial use, and protocols for raising it, specifying the supervisory authority for the law and clarifying its role in publicity and education. Unlike in some other countries, the law is universal, binding, and carries enforcement provisions.
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This study examined children's conceptions of flags as social conventions and understandings of the symbolic and psychological consequences associated with transgressions toward flags. Seventy-two children, at 6, 8, and 10 years, answered general questions about flags as social conventions and judged flag-burning scenarios in which intentions of agents and consequences for recipients were varied. Flag-burning acts were motivated by symbolic, accidental, or instrumental intentions and occurred in public or private. Children at all ages viewed flags as social conventions (i. e., alterable), and symbolic acts of flag-burning occurring in public locations were judged more negatively than private transgressions. Age differences were found in evaluations of instrumental violations and in justifications used to evaluate flag-burning incidents. Overall, findings suggest that despite age-related increases in understanding of flags as meaningful collective symbols, children at all ages considered transgressions to be important and to have moral consequences (i. e., psychological harm).
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Accounts of the relationship between flags and the law have focused on a narrow strain of contentions drawn from debates about political expression. This essay seeks to bridge the gap between cultural studies’ insight into nationalism and its symbolics, and the flag’s legal status, to better understand the unique position occupied by national flags. Flag ‘waving’ has become more prevalent in many liberal democracies. In such societies, flags occupy not a religious role, but a quiet and quotidian place in what Billig terms ‘banal nationalism’. As a cipher for the whole, a particular flag’s design is relatively unimportant; what lends it power is a mix of the gravity bestowed by its official designation and the easy commodification lent by a flag’s easy reproducibility and portability. Unlike other state symbols such as the currency, coat of arms and honorifics, the state does not seek to monopolise the flag’s use, let alone define its meaning. An analysis of the laws in several countries governing flag designation, observance and ‘desecration’ reveals that the law accords the flag distinct status yet only equivocal protection. While the state may crave its citizens’ fealty, a flag is not a symbol of some distant governmentality. Rather, it is gifted to ‘the people’ and relies for its relevance on its organic proliferation. As both object and image, people attribute a power to the flag – a power they recognise over themselves and others with whom they share a body politic. A key source of this fetishisation is its official, legal designation. Though it embodies no particular values, a flag is valued, even fetishised, by flag-wavers and flag-burners alike.
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Part of the Vexillologist Collection, the Robert Goldstein Flag Burning Papers contain research files of Dr. Goldstein related to the subject of flag burning and flag desecration.
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Filling in a little-known era between the author’s definitive books and articles on the U.S. flag desecration controversy, this article examines the role of the RCP in post-Viet Nam War flag-burning incidents culminating in the Supreme Court’s landmark Texas v. Johnson ruling.
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