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A compilation of those flags for which certificates of registration have been issued under the Protection of Names, Uniforms and Badges Act, 1935, and the Heraldry Act, 1962.

旗帜者，崇拜信仰，政治主张，人心凝聚，前 进指向也。自古开国君王，兴举义兵之始，无 不建旗树纛，昭告天下，聚合民心，扫除弊 政，得以改天换地，治国安邦。而开国立基者 亲手升起国旗，翻看几千年中华史册，唯有中 国人民解放军、中国共产党、中华人民共和国 的主要缔造者和领导人毛泽东主席。 A flag represents adoration, political advocacy, unity of hearts, and direction for progress. Since ancient times, when founding emperors began to raise righteous armies, they invariably adopted flags and ban- ners to proclaim to the world, rally the people’s support, and eliminate maladministration—thus changing the world and governing the country securely. Among the founders of nations and dynasties throughout thousands of years of Chinese history, it was only Chairman Mao Zedong, the main founder and leader of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, the Communist Party of China, and the People’s Republic of China, who personally raised the national flag.

拉玛一世国王的暹罗（现泰国）旗帜在红色背 景上绘有白色轮毂（轮状带刃投掷武器）。 1817 年，一本法国航海书籍刊登了错误的旗帜 描述和图片，将轮毂替换为黄色太阳。这一错 误似乎在西方旗帜图表中传播开来。 King Rama I’s flag for Siam (now Thailand) bore a white chakra (wheel-shaped bladed throwing weapon) on a red background. In 1817, a French maritime book printed an erroneous description and image of the flag, replacing the chakra with a yellow sun. This error appears to have propagated through Western flag charts.

This chapter looks at the role of flags as national symbols in Hungary. It does so through three case studies. The first flag discussed is the current national colours (red, white and green). It is followed by the so-called ‘Árpád stripes’ (red and white), the colours attributed to the first royal dynasty of Hungary. Finally, the flag of Budapest, the capital city of Hungary, is examined from a historical perspective, with special focus on its relationship with the national colours.

All states have a flag, the material symbol of their sovereignty. But in law, the status of this flag differs from one country to another: some incorporate it into their Constitution (France), others do not (U.S.A., Great Britain) and the protection against insults differs from one country to another. The legal status of the French flag has varied over an eventful history, but today the constitutional recognition of the symbol and its legal protection allow the strong representation of French sovereignty and the rights to which the nation is attached. However, the flag of the European Union competes with the French flag. In conclusion, the flag is both sacred and competitive, as it is the national anthem, which is given constitutional protection in France.

This essay endeavours to explore our time of ‘Law &…’ (and its stimulating boundary disputes) from the perspective which national flag narratives—and their typifying regimes, associated with plausible models or paradigms of nation—allow us to experience, whilst projected onto (or within) the Law’s (or a certain Law’s) identifying narratives. Even though concentrated on a specific exemplum—the one of the current Portuguese flag (which emerged out of the successful Republican revolution of 1910)—this proposal is less however a justification of a new, plausible, interdisciplinary trend (involving ethno-symbolic studies), than a consideration of the ‘Law’s place’ in our present-day practical-cultural context, whilst reflecting on the possibilities and limits of hetero-references in general and “Law &… movements” in particular.

When one examines current national anthems and flags, one finds a great deal of variety. What explains this variation? Possible factors include a nation's world-system position and its degree of modernization. Specifically, I analyze the ways in which world-system position and modernization affect the design or configuration—the syntactic structure—of the symbols national leaders adopt to convey their nation's identity. Findings reveal a link between a nation's world-system position and the structure of its symbols. Leaders of core nations adopt more basic anthems and flags than their semiperiphery and periphery counterparts. However, modernization has no such influence.

This research examined the psychological underpinnings of concern for national symbols and ritualistic-ceremonial activities or "symbolic involvement." We propose and test a distinction between symbolic and "instrumental" involvement or concern for the functionality of national institutions and their capability to provide instrumental benefits to citizens. Items comprising the two constructs were found to be empirically distinct, evidenced by statistically reliable and orthogonal dimensions in exploratory factor analysis. Moreover, evidence based on divergent patterns of relations with various forms of national membership indicates that symbolic and instrumental involvement are rooted in distinct motivational concerns related to identity expression and object appraisal, respectively. These findings suggest that national symbolism evokes a psychological attachment to the nation as an abstracted social entity, but not as a concrete functional system.

Three experiments tested whether the subliminal presentation of national symbols automatically elicited societally prescribed normative values in the New Zealand (NZ) context using a lexical decision task. Consistent with research in the United States, the presentation of the NZ flag (Study 1), but not another consensually validated NZ national symbol (The Silver Fern, Study 2), increased the cognitive accessibility of egalitarian value concepts. The NZ flag did not, however, activate values in a comparable sample of foreign nationals (Study 3). National flags, it seems, automatically activate normative values for ingroup members, and this effect is not limited to nations with a high frequency of flag-display behavior such as the United States.

First published article in which the term "vexillology" was used.

The object of this thesis is to demonstrate that non-verbal symbols, and in particular national flags, have an essential part in the establishment and management of national identity. It is contended that political legitimacy is derived in part from the national self-presentation and that this presentation can be managed by exploiting the full rangeof the national panoply, i.e., the full range of non-verbal symbols available. In terms of penetration and reciprocation as they form a discourse between the elite and the population flags and related items form a body of material that is easy to handle and to comprehend. But they are also capable of being charged with affective overtones which require care and skill in handling. Key concepts with regard to symbols as hitherto dealt with in social science will be derived from a number of authors who have dealt with the nature of identity and identity crises as part of the modernisation process applicable to nation states. These include Edelman and Pye and the contributors to the 'Crises and Sequences' school of political science. In addition the work of Mosse, Firth, Weitman, Zelinsky, Hobsbawm and Ranger, and other authors who have come closest to the subject under review, will also be examined for contributions in the form of concepts and analytical tools. Also to be examined is the work of modern professional image-makers operating in the commercial world to see what techniques and methods they can deploy successfully. The next stage will be to examine three major identity crises, as exemplified by the American, French and Russian Revolutions to see what efforts, if any, were made by the elite to control and shape their self-presentation and what reciprocation they evinced from their populations.

The central themes of this thesis are to highlight the importance of national symbols and ceremonies in the formation of nations and national identities, and examine how they contribute to the expressions of nationhood. The research has been conducted by means of a systematic investigation of national symbols and ceremonies, analysed as an integral part of identity-making, maintenance and change. The focus is on the contemporary European nations, and conclusions have been drawn with regard to their symbolism and ceremonies. The overall study has been complemented by three case studies; of Britain, France, Norway, with Germany as an analytical counter-case. Throughout this thesis evidence will be provided to the effect that national symbols and ceremonies express deeper aspects and meanings of the nation, and function as integrative and/or divisive forces. Moreover, national symbols and ceremonies form a central part of a `secular' religion which provides anchorage in a dynamic world. National symbols and ceremonies also have an effect upon the community they represent; that is, they raise collective consciousness of `who we are' and `where we are from'. Finally, it has been argued that nations cannot be dated in a precise manner since they come into being by stages, marked by the adoption of national symbols, such as the national flag and the national day. These stages have been linked to three main symbolic regimes (termed `old', `modem' and `new') and understood as a function of national independence and continuity, the implication being that the whole process of nation building forms a complex that is constituted along a continuum of re-discovery and invention.

Proceedings of the 3rd International Congress of Vexillology (ICV 3), Boston, Massachusetts, 5-7 September 1969