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This chapter first examines the history and role of the Bulgarian flag in the constitution of Bulgarian national identity, a process which began in the second half of the nineteenth century. It then proposes a semiotic model of the identity, one that centers its constructed character and flexibility while performing social interactions. A basic divide between the communicative resources of the self places a person’s individual characteristics in opposition to collective ones. The national flag and colors are interpreted among the expressive forms of the collective identity, in the subcategory of constitutive features for which an individual has no choice. An interpretation of the value flows for identity in social intercourse follows, modeled as an “ego economy” where the reception and production of recognition from and for others is seen as an “ego currency”. This model demonstrates that the particular efficacy of national symbols is amplified by the efficacy of the “nationalist libido”. The use of the nationalist flags, colors, symbols, and narrative in new media thus prepare a fertile ground for the emerging digital populism, one that is masterfully employed by right-wing figures with significant political results and disquieting prospects for the future.

The chapter provides semiotic analysis of national flags in Russia in historical perspective and describes legal regulation of the use of flags as state symbols on federal and federal entities’ levels. Contemporary white-blue-red national flag, Soviet red flag and imperial black-yellow-white flag are analyzed in different contexts, as official state symbols and as unofficial symbols of different political movements; the evolution of their meaning with time is shown. Subjects of the Russian Federation also have their flags, which reflect their aspiration for self-identification and sovereignty within the limits of common political identity of the nation. The right to establish their own official symbols is a part of their constitutional status, and they realize this right for the construction of their regional identity within the semiotic space of Russia as a whole.There is no unity in approaches to the fixation of the legal status and description of flags on the level of federal entities, though main legal rules concerning the use of flags and subordination between the national flag and the flags of federal entities are stipulated by the federal law. Most of regional flags have been created since 1991, because these regions had no status of federal subjects before that. By their visual representation the flags differ depending on the cultural and historic characteristics of the regions. Some of them resemble the regional coat of arms, some of them try to follow the federal model by using bars of different color, some include religious symbols.Legal regulation of the use of flags includes constitutional standards, statutory standards and also provisions of criminal and administrative law on desecration of flags and on inappropriate use of the national flag, which may humiliate or publicly demonstrate disrespect for it. The judicial practice in application of these standards is, however, confusing, because the provisions lack legal certainty.

This chapter looks at the role of flags as national symbols in Hungary. It does so through three case studies. The first flag discussed is the current national colours (red, white and green). It is followed by the so-called ‘Árpád stripes’ (red and white), the colours attributed to the first royal dynasty of Hungary. Finally, the flag of Budapest, the capital city of Hungary, is examined from a historical perspective, with special focus on its relationship with the national colours.

Scotland is to the United Kingdom what the Saltire is to the Union Flag. What it means to be Scottish, what form Scottish identity takes, and how the narratives of Scottish identity and belonging have been constructed and have evolved over time is a story woven into the relationship between these two flags. One a symbol of national identity and the other the symbol of a much larger intranational unity, the history of their coming together is one of negotiated settlement, legal and political compromise, a balancing of competing claims for legitimacy and control over the historical discourse. This chapter explores the origin of the Saltire as the national flag of Scotland, its emergence in symbolic representation of resistance to English power and domination, and the struggle between these two nations that is mirrored in the eventual configuration of the Union Flag. The chapter then traces the shifting contours of the social, cultural, and political landscape of Scotland through various narrative ideologies to demonstrate how the contemporary debate over national identity is symbolised in the complex colour-coded representations of these two flags.

Identity and the protection of identity due to the historical turmoil experienced by the nation of Poland has always played an important role in the public and private lives of its citizens. During the course of history Poland also served as an exile and home for many minorities, both religious and ethnic. The country, which is located between the two powerful nations of Germany and Russia, has always been forced to fight for independence and its national identity. In the course of history the country disappeared from the maps of Europe for about 123 years as a result of the partition of its territories between Prussia, Austria and Russia. The invading countries occupying the annexed territory forbade the usage of the Polish language in numerous areas of life. The practising of Polish customs and traditions was also limited. Poland regained independence after numerous attempts in 1918, only to lose it again in 1939 and finally to have it re-established in 1945. But the period from 1918 until 1939 was marked with numerous activities aiming at the restoration of national identity. The main aim of this presentation is to provide some insight into the importance of national identity as well as the cultural, ethnic and religious diversity of Poland as a historically conditioned phenomenon. The language protection policy will also be examined.

As we advance into the twenty-first century, more and more of what has once been crucial to the functioning of a society, slides into oblivion. However, certain agents of the past, carriers of social memory, prevail. One such an agent is the flag. More than just a mere symbol, the flag bears an opulent amount of meaning, sometimes accumulated over the centuries, at other times acquired overnight, evoking either love and pride, fear and contempt, or just indifference. The purpose of this paper is to analyse flags as carriers of collective memories and of local and national identity, and to compare various legal provisions controlling and protecting them. In the first part of the paper, the author introduces the concept of collective memory, showing how flags—carriers of memory—are connected to it. The second part of the paper is devoted to the questions of identity and national identity, and the ways they intersect with collective memories and, ultimately, flags. In the third, main part of the paper, the author ventures to examine the role of flags in the contemporary society. Applying the findings of the previous two chapters to a number of mini-case studies (Poland, Brazil, Australia, Greece, USA, various former USSR territories, Hong Kong, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, Hungary, Cyprus and Canada), the author shows how different societies hold different attitudes towards flags and how, even in a digital society we currently live in, such a material thing as a flag is vital for the creation of a group’s identity, and can still evoke deep and often completely conflicting feelings, even leading to conflict.

In this chapter, Michael Billig re-assesses the strengths and weaknesses of Banal Nationalism, responds to some of the arguments put forward in the other chapters in this collection and outlines some possible ways in which research on the topic might proceed.