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This article argues that public schools play a key role in producing and transmitting American civil religion. Data from classroom observations, college-age informants, and the author's experiences reveal that civil religion in schools is manifested in daily rituals such as the pledge of allegiance; in holiday observances, with activities such as music and art; and in the social studies curriculum. Analysis of these data permits one to describe the beliefs, symbols, and rituals of American civil religion. The data further show that the practice of civil religion in schools plays a dual role: while it socializes American youth to a common set of understandings, it also sets off subgroups of Americans whose backgrounds or beliefs prevent them from participating fully in civil religious ceremonies.
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When one examines current national anthems and flags, one finds a great deal of variety. What explains this variation? Possible factors include a nation's world-system position and its degree of modernization. Specifically, I analyze the ways in which world-system position and modernization affect the design or configuration—the syntactic structure—of the symbols national leaders adopt to convey their nation's identity. Findings reveal a link between a nation's world-system position and the structure of its symbols. Leaders of core nations adopt more basic anthems and flags than their semiperiphery and periphery counterparts. However, modernization has no such influence.
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This study examined children's conceptions of flags as social conventions and understandings of the symbolic and psychological consequences associated with transgressions toward flags. Seventy-two children, at 6, 8, and 10 years, answered general questions about flags as social conventions and judged flag-burning scenarios in which intentions of agents and consequences for recipients were varied. Flag-burning acts were motivated by symbolic, accidental, or instrumental intentions and occurred in public or private. Children at all ages viewed flags as social conventions (i. e., alterable), and symbolic acts of flag-burning occurring in public locations were judged more negatively than private transgressions. Age differences were found in evaluations of instrumental violations and in justifications used to evaluate flag-burning incidents. Overall, findings suggest that despite age-related increases in understanding of flags as meaningful collective symbols, children at all ages considered transgressions to be important and to have moral consequences (i. e., psychological harm).
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The object of this thesis is to demonstrate that non-verbal symbols, and in particular national flags, have an essential part in the establishment and management of national identity. It is contended that political legitimacy is derived in part from the national self-presentation and that this presentation can be managed by exploiting the full rangeof the national panoply, i.e., the full range of non-verbal symbols available. In terms of penetration and reciprocation as they form a discourse between the elite and the population flags and related items form a body of material that is easy to handle and to comprehend. But they are also capable of being charged with affective overtones which require care and skill in handling. Key concepts with regard to symbols as hitherto dealt with in social science will be derived from a number of authors who have dealt with the nature of identity and identity crises as part of the modernisation process applicable to nation states. These include Edelman and Pye and the contributors to the 'Crises and Sequences' school of political science. In addition the work of Mosse, Firth, Weitman, Zelinsky, Hobsbawm and Ranger, and other authors who have come closest to the subject under review, will also be examined for contributions in the form of concepts and analytical tools. Also to be examined is the work of modern professional image-makers operating in the commercial world to see what techniques and methods they can deploy successfully. The next stage will be to examine three major identity crises, as exemplified by the American, French and Russian Revolutions to see what efforts, if any, were made by the elite to control and shape their self-presentation and what reciprocation they evinced from their populations.
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Michael Billig presents a major challenge to orthodox conceptions of nationalism. While traditional theorizing has focused on extreme expressions of nationalism thus making it an exotic and remote concern, Michael Billig turns his attention to the everyday, and so less visible, forms that are deeply ingrained in contemporary consciousness. Banal Nationalism asks why people do not forget their national identity. It contends that nationalism is constantly "flagged" in the media through routine symbols and habits of language. In a well-thought-out analysis, the author shows how assumptions of nationhood are regularly conveyed, often through small familiar turns of phrase, and how these reminders operate mindlessly beyond the level of conscious awareness, like the flag, which hangs unnoticed outside a public building. Banal Nationalism addresses these core features of nationalism while providing the reader with meaningful insights into their own nationality. Billig's elegantly written and broad-ranging book argues forcefully that nationalism continues to be a major ideological force in the contemporary world and will be essential reading for students and academics across the social sciences.
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Proceedings of the tenth International Congress of Vexillology (ICV 10) -- Oxford, England, 25-30 September 1983.
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Proceedings of the 3rd International Congress of Vexillology (ICV 3), Boston, Massachusetts, 5-7 September 1969
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The documents collected in this issue are believed to be the most complete account available of the development of Soviet symbolism on flags and arms.
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A year in Singapore as a Fulbright fellow provided the author the opportunity to observe flag use in a country whose national symbols reflect its unique politics, history, and culture. Many photographs illustrate reflections on the strategies Singapore uses to make the flag a centerpiece of civic pride.
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- national symbols
- American civil religion (1)
- American Revolution (1)
- anthem use (1)
- Australia (1)
- banal nationalism (1)
- black-red-gold flags (1)
- black-white-red flags (1)
- Canada (2)
- Canadian flags (1)
- Canadian identity (1)
- Canadian symbols (1)
- children and flags (3)
- children and patriotism (2)
- children and symbols (2)
- civil religion (4)
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- communist flags (1)
- conch shell (1)
- crescent (1)
- Duvalier Regime (1)
- flag burning (1)
- Flag desecration (1)
- flag display (2)
- “flag season” (1)
- flag usage (2)
- flag use (1)
- flags (2)
- flags and children (1)
- flags in communication (1)
- flags of Canada (1)
- French Revolution (1)
- German Flaggenstreit of 1926 (1)
- Germany (1)
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- Michael Billig (1)
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- national emblems (1)
- National Flag of Singapore (1)
- national flags (3)
- national hymns (1)
- national identity (6)
- National Symbols Kit (1)
- nationalism (1)
- non-verbal symbols (1)
- patriotism (3)
- patriotism in children (2)
- People’s Action Party (1)
- Pledge of Allegiance (1)
- political science (1)
- political socialisation (1)
- political socialization (1)
- political symbolism (1)
- political symbols (2)
- rituals (1)
- Russian Revolution (1)
- Singapore (1)
- Singapore Lion symbol (1)
- Singapore State Arms and Flag and National Anthem Rules Ordinance, 1959 (1)
- Singaporeans (1)
- sociology (1)
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- Soviet flags (1)
- Soviet state symbols (1)
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