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The object of this thesis is to demonstrate that non-verbal symbols, and in particular national flags, have an essential part in the establishment and management of national identity. It is contended that political legitimacy is derived in part from the national self-presentation and that this presentation can be managed by exploiting the full rangeof the national panoply, i.e., the full range of non-verbal symbols available. In terms of penetration and reciprocation as they form a discourse between the elite and the population flags and related items form a body of material that is easy to handle and to comprehend. But they are also capable of being charged with affective overtones which require care and skill in handling. Key concepts with regard to symbols as hitherto dealt with in social science will be derived from a number of authors who have dealt with the nature of identity and identity crises as part of the modernisation process applicable to nation states. These include Edelman and Pye and the contributors to the 'Crises and Sequences' school of political science. In addition the work of Mosse, Firth, Weitman, Zelinsky, Hobsbawm and Ranger, and other authors who have come closest to the subject under review, will also be examined for contributions in the form of concepts and analytical tools. Also to be examined is the work of modern professional image-makers operating in the commercial world to see what techniques and methods they can deploy successfully. The next stage will be to examine three major identity crises, as exemplified by the American, French and Russian Revolutions to see what efforts, if any, were made by the elite to control and shape their self-presentation and what reciprocation they evinced from their populations.
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The central themes of this thesis are to highlight the importance of national symbols and ceremonies in the formation of nations and national identities, and examine how they contribute to the expressions of nationhood. The research has been conducted by means of a systematic investigation of national symbols and ceremonies, analysed as an integral part of identity-making, maintenance and change. The focus is on the contemporary European nations, and conclusions have been drawn with regard to their symbolism and ceremonies. The overall study has been complemented by three case studies; of Britain, France, Norway, with Germany as an analytical counter-case. Throughout this thesis evidence will be provided to the effect that national symbols and ceremonies express deeper aspects and meanings of the nation, and function as integrative and/or divisive forces. Moreover, national symbols and ceremonies form a central part of a `secular' religion which provides anchorage in a dynamic world. National symbols and ceremonies also have an effect upon the community they represent; that is, they raise collective consciousness of `who we are' and `where we are from'. Finally, it has been argued that nations cannot be dated in a precise manner since they come into being by stages, marked by the adoption of national symbols, such as the national flag and the national day. These stages have been linked to three main symbolic regimes (termed `old', `modem' and `new') and understood as a function of national independence and continuity, the implication being that the whole process of nation building forms a complex that is constituted along a continuum of re-discovery and invention.
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If the study of politics is to warrant the denomination of political science, it must encompass within its scope any and all phenomena which may be legitimately be called political. Actors, institutions, behavior, conditions, and procedures must be identified and related to one another and their impact on the political process, great or small, must be demonstrated. To the extent that this has not been done, the task of the political scientist is incomplete. Those in the discipline aware of its shortcomings with regard to such catholicity have undertaken extensive new work in recent decades, as a result of which our knowledge of political behaviour has been immeasurably broadened. It would be a mistake, however, to believe that all possible avenues of research have now been opened. One aspect of politics long ignored--and even now only very imperfectly understood--is symbolism. The primary task of this work is to demonstrate that political symbolism is a valid subject and that its study is worthwhile.
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Between 1900 and 1999
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- political symbolism
- American Revolution (1)
- Australia (1)
- awards and decorations (1)
- Canada (1)
- ceremonies (1)
- civil religion (1)
- communist symbols (1)
- Europe (1)
- flag studies (1)
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- France (1)
- French Revolution (1)
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- national anthems (1)
- national days (1)
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- political science (1)
- political symbols (3)
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- symbols (1)
- symbols and legitimacy (1)
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- types of symbols (1)
- United Kingdom (1)
- vexillology (1)
- Weimar Germany (1)