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The object of this thesis is to demonstrate that non-verbal symbols, and in particular national flags, have an essential part in the establishment and management of national identity. It is contended that political legitimacy is derived in part from the national self-presentation and that this presentation can be managed by exploiting the full rangeof the national panoply, i.e., the full range of non-verbal symbols available. In terms of penetration and reciprocation as they form a discourse between the elite and the population flags and related items form a body of material that is easy to handle and to comprehend. But they are also capable of being charged with affective overtones which require care and skill in handling. Key concepts with regard to symbols as hitherto dealt with in social science will be derived from a number of authors who have dealt with the nature of identity and identity crises as part of the modernisation process applicable to nation states. These include Edelman and Pye and the contributors to the 'Crises and Sequences' school of political science. In addition the work of Mosse, Firth, Weitman, Zelinsky, Hobsbawm and Ranger, and other authors who have come closest to the subject under review, will also be examined for contributions in the form of concepts and analytical tools. Also to be examined is the work of modern professional image-makers operating in the commercial world to see what techniques and methods they can deploy successfully. The next stage will be to examine three major identity crises, as exemplified by the American, French and Russian Revolutions to see what efforts, if any, were made by the elite to control and shape their self-presentation and what reciprocation they evinced from their populations.
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This study traces the socio-historical developments and modifications of uses, customs, and rituals associated with the national banner of the United States of America from the first Flag Resolution of 1777 through the Second National Flag Conference of 1924. Commitment to the flag is something culturally determined; this study re-examines the history of the American flag in light of this theoretical foundation, and emphasizes contributions of various individuals, organizations, and institutions to the shifting uses of the banner by American society. Military and naval uses predominated in the eighteenth century, but as the nineteenth century continued the significance of the American flag grew in patriotic music, literature, artwork, rhetoric, and demonstrations. The firing on Ft. Sumter triggered a sudden elevation of the flag to most honored status in American civil religion. Following the Civil War, veterans' organizations, hereditary societies, and popular children's magazines all participated in a movement known as the cult of the flag, placing flags in public schools and instituting rituals such as "The Pledge of Allegiance." Flag desecration statutes sought to curb the exploitation of the American flag in the growing field of advertising in the early twentieth century. Following the First World War, the American Legion gathered representatives of influential patriotic and military organizations to officially establish a national code of flag etiquette.
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If the study of politics is to warrant the denomination of political science, it must encompass within its scope any and all phenomena which may be legitimately be called political. Actors, institutions, behavior, conditions, and procedures must be identified and related to one another and their impact on the political process, great or small, must be demonstrated. To the extent that this has not been done, the task of the political scientist is incomplete. Those in the discipline aware of its shortcomings with regard to such catholicity have undertaken extensive new work in recent decades, as a result of which our knowledge of political behaviour has been immeasurably broadened. It would be a mistake, however, to believe that all possible avenues of research have now been opened. One aspect of politics long ignored--and even now only very imperfectly understood--is symbolism. The primary task of this work is to demonstrate that political symbolism is a valid subject and that its study is worthwhile.
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Between 1900 and 1999
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Between 1960 and 1969
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- American flag (1)
- American identity (1)
- American Revolution (1)
- American studies (1)
- Australia (1)
- awards and decorations (1)
- Canada (1)
- civil religion (1)
- communist symbols (1)
- cult of the flag (1)
- customs and rituals (1)
- flag etiquette (1)
- flag studies (1)
- flags (2)
- flags in communication (1)
- French Revolution (1)
- national flags (1)
- national identity (2)
- national symbols (1)
- nationalism (2)
- non-verbal symbols (1)
- patriotic rituals (1)
- patriotism (1)
- political science (1)
- political symbolism (2)
- political symbols (2)
- Russian Revolution (1)
- South Africa (1)
- symbols (1)
- symbols and legitimacy (1)
- symbols and power (1)
- The Pledge of Allegiance (1)
- types of symbols (1)
- United States flag (1)
- United States (USA) (1)
- vexillology (1)
- Weimar Germany (1)